The early habitation of these invaders and their people consisted of a community existence lacking modernization but reliant on tactics of warfare commiserate to their hunting experience and rustic means of survival.

The success of these various invading tribal factions for evading the stations of Roman military patrol along the Danube was accomplishable given the imperial force's inability to occupy a seamless defense line. Often a raid would involve a group of Visigoth, Ostrogoth, Bulgar or other tribal entity surpassing the River from the North, attacking an inland Byzantine city before rapidly retreating back to their forested settlements.

A less aggressive community of inhabitants living in proximately to the Danube near the Carpathian Mountains were the Slavic people. They had made a rather longstanding presence in the area reliant upon pastoral ways of life like farming, stock breeding and simplicity. Eventual growth of the Slavic population occurred likely due to advancements they made in cultivating food and a greater need for territorial expansion. Before long, sporadic arrival of many Slavic people, of whom the Byzantines referred to as the Sklevenoi, inundated the area near the Danube River.

Their humble settlements consisted of unfortified villages of small, wooden houses built partially in the ground for insulation during the cold winters. Several innate skills that the Slavic people exhibited a penchant for were boating, swimming and a natural familiarity of the land. The land which they settled provided a manageable existence and ability for taking aggression against the more inhabited parts of the Byzantine Empire. In a growing tendency during the early sixth century, these different groups really began to foment their presence in the area.

Around 515AD more forceful invasions by Bulgars took place farther into the Byzantine area of Macedonia and Thessaly. The motivations of such attacks were based largely on acquirement of items such as jewels, gold coins and often prisoners who could be exchanged diplomatically for valuables. In one such example around 540AD, a raid on Thessalonica resulted in the taking of 100,000 Roman prisoners who were brought back north of the Danube and held for ransom.

As the cohesion of migratory Slavs and invading tribes from the north became more, the interests for mounting stronger forces against the Byzantines became sensible and potentially more lucrative. Thus the disparate groups started collaborating in opposing the imperial forces by launching joint invasions which often provided success to the Bulgars, Goths, Illyrians, Slavs and other lessor tribal groups.

Leadership over the Byzantine Empire around 550AD was ruled by one of the most remembered of early European emperors, Justinian, who commissioned architectural works in Constantinople and areas along the southern coast. At the time, his priority of reasserting lost power in the areas of North Africa and Palestine were mildly successful. Such action however had a counter effect in East Europe as the reassigning of troops from his Empire's mainland had the effect of weakening the defense against the Slavs and Bulgars.

Justinian’s successor was his nephew Justin II and by the last quarter of the sixth century some concessions to several of the invading groups were being made. For one, an influx of Persians and a similar group known as the Avar tribe from Asia elicited danger. This Persian concern posed a problematic threat to the eastern frontier due to their fast moving, horseback cavalry who had shown to be capable of crossing into the Byzantine territory. After one such demonstrative attack, land was awarded to the Avars near the region of Sirmium as appeasement for them to become allies of the Empire.

 

However such that didn’t play out as intended as the Avars coaxed a large group of Slavs to pursue an attack in the northeastern territory of the empire. This siege resulted in the capture of a key location in the Balkans and for the next several years both the Slavs and the Avars poured further into the peninsula with little resistance.

The previous migratory history of the Avar people had led them to become more advanced in the ways of war and civilization than many other occupying tribes. Due to the Avar's involvement with some of the more formidable Middle Eastern cultures they proved capable of settling themselves and taking diplomatic efforts with not only the Byzantines but also the Franks and Lombard’s. Their smallness in numbers though limited a lasting importance that they would impart upon the area and they soon became a primary target of Byzantine agression.

Whereas the Avars comprised of approximately 100,000 people the Slavs were several million strong. The Slavs had built and navigated many of the boats utilized in frequent fighting along the Danube which helped them to win them respect of the Avars and others. A mutual benefit further developed as the Slavs offered agricultural harvest and many forces to use against the Byzantium army in exchange for the tactical skill of the Avars.

In 582 these consolidated groups reached Anchialos on the Black Sea and within a few years they advanced upon Thessaloniki establishing what would become a lasting presence. The rapid inpouring of Slavs into the central area of the Byzantine Empire didn’t go unopposed though. The then current emperor Maurice reconcentrated numbers of troops to handle the situation which resulted in a ten year campaign to drive many of the Slav and Avar soldiers back north of the Danube.

To a strong degree, the effort of the Byzantine military was a success but tension arose over Emperor Maurice’s decision to fortify his troops along the Danube during winter to protect against another invasion. This preempted hostility among many of the military and violence ensued all the way to Constantinople where Maurice was slain over the popular dissent.

The new emperor was Phocas who was drawn again to tension with the Persians resulting in a large advancement of Slavik-Avar populations back into the Balkans.

Several aspects of assimilation benefited the Slavs in addition to their large numbers and innate familiarity for their surrondings including how they treated their captured prisoners. The Slavs practiced a lenient policy toward the Byzantine soldiers being held captive by allowing them release after a period of time and were given freedom to co-exist among the Slavic community. This resulted in the defection of some former Byzantine soldiers to the Slavic side where knowledge of war craft was shared, enhancing the formidability of the Slavic military.

This all quickly led to a sweeping change in the composition of the population throughout the area by the mid seventh century. The extent of valuable holdings that remained in control of the Byzantine Empire was nonetheless still strong. Despite the massive advancements on rural lands and some important coastal areas along the Adriatic, Aegean and other areas, the most prominent possessions were not decisively lost to the Slavs. For example Thessalonica, despite being in danger of capture never entirely fell. Many cities along the Black Sea withstood advancement and Constantinople despite an aggressive attack from the Slavic, Avar and Persian forces around 591 remained in possession of the Byzantine Empire. But displacement of the original population ensued.

The inner frontier was largely taken over and the looming concern of a more sophisticated, populous adversary would force the empire to devise a practical solution to the uncombatable situation. Thus absorbing and Christianizing the population little by little into the empire was one method of choice.

Much of Greece would soon become inhabited by a large number of Slavs and small regional governments of diabolic power sometimes emerged in locations beginning around the eighth century. Those areas though that persisted purely in the form of Greek Byzantine culture were the strongly defended areas along the sea. The many flotillas of official ships exercised strong protection for the towns in the south but intermingling among Greek and Slavic populations grew more common.

For the most part the tendancy of the Greco Roman population living as they had for the previous centuries among the many cities remained a standard way of life for the large community Byzantine citizens. Despite the occurrence of attacks by the arrival of the nomadic populations they largely distanced themselves from the modernized civilization.

Of the groups, the Avars were largely held accountable in the eyes of the Byzantine emperor, Heraclius, for the massive invasions that drew Slavs and others into the aggressive encroachment. The scale of attacks were growing more severe by the mid seventh century including a nearly successful attack on Constantinople. Thus efforts were made by the Empire to isolate and quell the threat particularly of the Avars who had inhabited Panonnia along the central Danube.

The Croats who lived among the Slavs along the Sane and behind the Dinaric Alps near the Adriatic were cajoled by the empire to revolt against the Avars. Those efforts were mildly successfully as were other such agreements made by Byzantine officials with tribes to help suppress adversarial threats. Thus further alliances were initiated. One such was with the Serbians, a half Slavicized Samaritans people, who were given a favorable location around Thessalonica in exchange for cooperation. Their settlement though was subsequently relocated farther northwest along the Balkan range.

Such tactical alliances were largely part of a defensive strategy against the Avars and continued across many parts of the peninsula particularly centrally where a coexistance of various ethnic groups resided. Arab pressures in Asia Minor however began to provoke more concern for the empire and led to an imperial shift of military resources away from mainland Byzantine and into the east.

The area of Thrace had once been an important geographical component of the Byzantine Empire, located in the eastern region just left of the Black Sea. As migratory patterns grew this land witnessed an inhabitance by the Buglers who were mixed descendants of mostly the Hun Empire that had ruled in centuries before. The Buglers made their way from the east through what is now Russia. Around the early seventh century they numbered a moderate force of fighting men and a large communal population. One of their leaders Kubrat was said to be influential in establishing an early recognition for his people as he had served under the Avar fighters before defecting. His descendants were said to have been strong fighters too, able to assert joint attacks with Slavs in areas which eventually helped them win land and recognition for themselves.

Most Buglers settled in the area of Moesia south of the Carpathian Mountains, north of the Danube and were regularly forced to defend against reprisal attack from the Roman army. In doing so, they secured themselves a permanent territory for to occupy. Their social structure was rather advanced being of a hierarchal military and administrative order. This enabled them to establish a meaningful settlement that helped their society formulate terms with the Byzantine Empire.

Around 680 they negotiated an early decree that recognized their land officially as a separate entity from the Byzantines and assimilated many nearby Slavs into their territory who became subjected to Bulgur taxes. A capital at Pliska was established and ground work laid for fortifying their unique, round and yurt-like styles of homes. They used remants of old Roman structures to make heavy stone buildings and walls that would provide shelter to society in the event of an attack.

Several benefits fostered a greater prominence for the Bulgers in the region. One was an acknowledgment of the group’s leader Tervel by the Byzantine emperor Justinian II around 705AD that significantly elevated Bulgur status. Despite already occupying a significant area of land, Bulgur expansion moved westward particularly after an army of Charlemagne's Frank forces was able to weaken the Avars whose occupied the adjacent, western land of the Bulgars.

This opening of a larger expanse though concerned the Byzantine Empire around 8—AD and cooperation between the empire and fortified group of the north quickly deteriorated. A series of attack campaigns against Bulgar territory ensued and a violent theater of battle quickly consumed much of the middle and western region of the peninsula. The Bulgar capital city of Pliska was destroyed but other battles were won by the Bulgars including the most important where a returning force of Byzantine soldiers along with the emperor were ransacked and mostly left for dead including Emperor Nicephorus.

For several more years the Bulgars advanced favorably on important Byzantine cities including Adrianople, the Thracian region and a several year stronghold around the perimeter of Constantinople but efforts to capture the capital were never realized. Emperor Leo became the Byzantine successor and Omurtag held authority for the Bulgars. These leaders negotiated a settlement around 814 that reasserted the territory that previously had been designated between Justinian II and Terver which would remain in tact for much of the ninth century.

A new Bulgar leader, Boris ascended the throne in 852. He was respectful not to hamper the previously renewed peace with the Byzantine Empire although it seemed that conditions might have been fortuitous for subsequent rebellions. The Byzantine Empire had left the Bulgars mostly independent while focusing on rebuilding efforts and amassing wealth from Arab territory. Boris, rather than posing military aggression emphasized a preservation of Bulgar identity for his people in many respects except for religion. The Byzantines were adamant about converting the Bulgars to Christianity as was standard policy for the empire for all those who still practiced pagan rituals.

The Bulgars accepted conversion but Boris demanded that the indoctrination follow a similar style to that which the neighboring tribes had developed where teachings were conducted in Slavonic language rather than Greek. Slavic clergy had been established in nearby areas and the Bulgar state soon welcomed these groups to come and profess their teachings. In reciprocation, Bulgars were sent to Constantinople as ambassadors and a period of amicable relations between the powers took place.

Boris' successor son, Symeon, overcame some resistance by and educated Bulgar class who opposed implementation of the new religion but he succeeded in developing into a powerful ruler. He had been educated in Constantinople and sought to bridge that connection further during his reign. Thus Symeon resumed sturdy relations with the Byzantine Empire, instituted a more Greek influenced orthodoxy in religious practices and relocated the Bulgarian capital to the royal residence at Preslav.

He understood the threat though that the mighty Byzantine Empire posed and perceived the power that existed in the large number of Bulgar people that could potentially vy for regional dominance. Thus military strength was a major component of life under his rule and it wasn’t long before new hostilities arose against the Byzantines. One such reason for tense escalations was the result of a higher trade tariff being imposed on Bulgaria.

A session of battles took place which drew the tribal Magyars in on the side of the Byzantines in western Bulgaria resulting in a helpless Bulgur defeat. Yet a reenergized counter fight ensued with heavy losses for the Magyar and Byzantine armies which resulted in normalizing the territorial boundaries until around 950AD.

For about the next twenty years the emperress Zoe had at her dispolas a well equipped personell of army commanders. Several attempts were made on attacks by Bulgar forces on Constaninople but as had historically been the case, the city' defense was too formindable to be penetrated. Symeon died in 920 AD at which point resources had been consumed, other fronts of war had also developed with the Serbian land in the west Balkans and Byzantize had reaquired an impressive position through the area. Bulgarian ambitions for something more than just territorial claims under the eye the insumountable Empire would never come to furition as other dangers proved to be harmful.
The Pechenegs from the northeast region near Kiev pursued attacks on Constaninople but frequently befell upon Bulgartia in the process as had the Magyars. The assistance and alliance that the newly enthroned Peter of Bulgaria sought from the Byzantines during the mid to late tenth century had become largely subdued with exception of a regular subsidy payment. Local magnates came to find much less goverbment and military support from the Preslav capital and a period of reprieve from potential hostilities seemned to occur as many people absolved into the monastery.

Before long a newly named Byzantine emperor Nicephorus introduced a hostile policy of noncooperation with bulgaria, refusing the commitment of the annual subsidy, and neglecting requests for assistance against the other aggressor societies. Threats of not only the Pechengs but large forecs of Russians were also hungary for conquering new land and as was the case during the Middle Ages, the brutality of war was severe. In ...X.. these foreces marhed upon Bulgaria slaying many in Preslav and destroying the city.

The Russians then had become the primnary threat to teh Byuzantine Empire. Buglaria for a time was left to only stand in the way as it's territory were venue for battles between them. Byzantine foresaw the wisdom of signing a treaty which largely restored Russia back to their previous domicile and out of Bulgarian territory. However it marked the end of independance for the eastern two thirds of the Bulgarian state. This marked the first time in more than two hundred years that Bulgaria was an acknowledged possession of the Empire.
It may be said that it was the small holding in western Bulgarian that managed to agitate the empire which conjured a distan relation beginning around the late tenth century. Sieges were continuing from the harder to control western region of Bulgaria into the south coastal regions around Thessolonika until the emperor Basil II got word of the disturbances. As a result, several yearrs of intermetant battles ensued but repeated defeat was dealt the Bulgars during the late tenth century. During a gruesome campaign againstin 1014, a large Bulgarian army was ravaged to the point where any remaining cohesion fell apart and exhausted any discenarable autonomy.
The cultural identity that had once prided the Bulgaraian people and provided the invigorating morale that was responsible for instilling the confidence to pursue a position of equality with Byzantine suffered. After the downfall, the culture was left to succumb primarily to imperieal Greek influence.

Much of the ethnic and Slavik language were replaced, governming offices that once had been free from imperial interference became an official property of Byzantine and the people were now it's subjects.
The Hellenic ideal that first developed in Greece 1500 years before now had reavailed itself as official tradition throughtout most of the Byuzantine Empire. But in less robust fashion did this trend occurr in Bulgaria as an ethnic way continued due mostly to the northern geographical position relative to the other tightly held regions farther south.
Slavik language was still often spoken, rituals such as folk talles, dance, and ways of dress also survived to a large degree. And many years later, circumstances, as had shown the tendency to ebb and flow throughout the region, would again fall back into Bulgaria's favor. In the late 12th century some series of revolts ended in a success against the empire and an independant Bulgarian nationhood was once again granted. Therefore salvaging it's own rulership centainly would prove meanignful to the preservation of it's culture which continued to mildly assert itself up until the early fifteenth century when the Ottamon Turks took control.