The wondrous urban community of New York City with overwhelming sky scrapers, concrete facades, bustling activity and limitless attractions serves to appease the curiosities of the most vivid cultural seekers. The center of all that’s to be experienced among this population of thirteen million and 250 million annual visitors is largely contained within the xx square miles vicinity of Manhattan. This long, narrow Peninsular body of land has encountered over the last two hundred years an amazing assemblage of development. Understand it's rise can hardly be simplified but one may look to it’s early days as a colonial destination, to hot bed of immigration that helped expedite the rapid expansion of our country as much as the city, to it's more recent days as an iconic symbol for how far we've come.

Conceptualizing the efforts, ingenuity, determination and foresight that so many bodies of individuals dedicated towards the evolution of creating it's magnificence is almost mind boggling or humbling to say the least. To appreciate how and for what the city exists today is certainly a study of it's immense history. Thus to observantly traverse along the time line that begins at New York’s earliest days into it's more modern era is realistically one's only means of acquiring a true sense of what’s to be admired from this city that never sleeps.

The land’s original discovery was made by an exploration of several dozen sailors dispatched from their homelands of England and Denmark aboard a ship named the Half Moon. The vessel was Dutch as the nation at the time like that of England, was highly skilled in the business of ship production. The voyage’s objective like most of the earliest commissioned sea fairing explorers was to reach a supposedly shorter western route to the Orient. Of those having attempted such a voyage were of course Christopher Columbus in 1492, originally landing among the Caribbean and consequently accredited with discovery of the New World. For century to follow, efforts increased by the advanced European nations including Italy, with it’s renowned pair of explorers Vasco de Gama, America Vespucci and Giovanni da Verazazzano. Spain and Portugal produced famed sailors who in addition to Columbus included Hernan Cortes, Hernando de Soto, Juan Ponce de Leonand others.

The uncharted, defying efforts made in those early years of exploration were of course a blind pursuit for what existed to the west of continental Europe. Equipped with whatever speculative maps and navigational equipment of the day, the objective continued to be based on discovery of that less encumbered, oceanic passage to Asia during the first decade of the century.

By 1609, evidence and knowledge of having discovered a New World certainly had become an accepted belief for sailors and a large class of people in the major European countries. But nevertheless by that year, efforts were still being pursued to discover an ideal western passage to the far east. So too was the intention of those members aboard the Half Moon in September of that year. Captain of the ship was the Englishman Henry Hudson along with his first mate Robert Juet whose documented journals told the story in significant detail of what they encountered along this important yet brief New World voyage. Their route brought them along the Northeastern Atlantic Seaboard into the mouth of the river that would bear it’s captain’s name. They continued onward through the interior of the Northeast until the shallowness of water near where Albany is located today forced their return.

The accounts of that fateful journey describe forests dotting the edges of the banks. Upon first entrance into the river's inlet, an image of small hills and slight cliffs are mentioned of which historians today say were likely near the west side of Harlem close to where the Washington Bridge stands today providing one of the two drivable thoroughfares between New York and New Jersey. That which inhabited the densely packed land of trees and lush vegetation were various species of wildlife including black bears, leopards, boar, estuaries of birds, rivers of beavers, trout, ducks and many varieties of other animals. The human existence was near obsolete but of significant importance was the native American tribe, named the Lenape. It is estimated that their tribal population at the mouth of the Hudson River numbered less than a hundred. The name for which the nativ's had given to the land was Manhattana.

Elsewhere in the region, native american populations occupied the dense lands of what’s now inland New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, among other places with some of the larger tribes having been the Mohequins, Cherokees, Sequoia, Sennecas and others.

In Robert Juet’s account of their voyage along the Hudson River, he mentions an encounter with one of the Lenape Americans which ended fatally for the native who reportedly intruded into the sailor's evening campsite and after nearly having made off with a pillow, was shot by one of the crew’s members.

Hunting by means of spears, trapping, and fishing along with foot travel or navigation via canoe were common among the Lenape tribe. Their role as sources of local knowledge would play a major importance for the arrival of European settlers, a fact that can be attested from having preserved the name of Manhattan from it’s native origins.

By the year 1615 more expeditions were being made to this region by pious protestant Dutch groups similar to several other settlements English religious seekers along coastal Virginia and the Mid Atlantic. Due to immense detail in cartography used to retrace the routes of Henry Hudson and other accomplished explorers plus a large degree of good fortune seemed to fall upon many of those daring enough to make the journey in pursuit of establishing a predestined new land.

In the coming years, the Dutch established the colony New Netherland with it’s capital named New Amsterdam at the southern tip of Manhattan. The land would then begin an accelerated transformation for establishing a community that stretched from the island across both the east and western sides and further upstate to the north. It would take time to transition from the wild and raw terrain to become a vibrant homestead for many families. Thus the arduous task of reshaping the land into what would become an important entry point for arriving Dutch into a new homeland demanded strenous effort from it's people.

Other important areas of early seventeenth century America to become a colonizing force also marks this time period of near heroic proportions. Separate colonies were being built primarily by groups from England who sought an escape from the hostility of Charles I's Tudor Monarch whose ovservance to the royal church aggrieved the Protestant fundamentalists. The most notable of these groups included the Puritans, Calvinists, Quakers, and Antibaptists who were all a rather brash assortment of practitioners with adherence to their own breed of uncompromising brim and firestone theology. Aside from these settler's central religious focus they undoubtedly adhered to a life of hard work within an uncompromising environment that would come to include the occaisional hostile encounter from native Americans.

Several decades later less of a reglious reasoning for other expeditious people to relocate from Europe began to gain a popular yet audacious appeal by members of the general classes. The English Monarch foresaw the potential to strengthen it's imperial position by sanctioning voyages of capable settlers to lay a claim in the name of their mother country. Those willing to seize the opportunity still considered themselves British citizens and secured early protection from the nation's military whose naval powers had begun making occasional voyages to survey the Northeastern lands of America.

Of those earliest English settlements that landed along the mid Atlantic colonies of Roanoke and Plymouth were founded under predominate religious motivation. Soon to follow by the second quarter of 17th century, though were the more secular communities which for the time still emphasized importance of religion yet pursued an otherwise pragmatic objective for cultivating agrarian and civil development. Contention for the territories within the New World began to grow as more land was claimed in glorification of it’s founder’s nationality which provoked a mild territorial rivalry between the competing countries.

As described, the Dutch were busy establishing themselves among the areas adjacent to the Hudson River and on further inland. The French had become prevalent in the northern most eastern borders of present day Canada, much a result from the early discoveries of Charlemagne. The Swiss and Germans were active in acquiring territory in the Northeastern Americas too. Otherwise removed from North America were the Spanish who in keeping with routes of Columbus, colonized large areas from Florida into the Caribbean and large parts of South America.

For more than fifty years following the Half Moon’s discovery of the Hudson River Valley, commissions from the Dutch West India Company helped advance the settlement of this territory as it’s own nation state. The Dutch West India Company was a notable entity with sufficient diplomatic clout to procure recognition even from England for it’s territorial claims around the Hudson River. This area was growing in Dutch presence and would by mid century include what is now known as the area of Long Island, parts of present day New Jersey, Connecticut with the region's early proclaimed capital of New Amsterdam at southern Manhattan.

The capital began to provide activity as a shipping depot particularly in the fur trade as well as consignment of other commodities like grain, sugar and rum acquired from the West Indies. The territory east of the Hudson River consisted of a modest number of homesteads which kept families occupied with tending to the labors of the land but likely included some participation to the involvement of commerce at the nearby ports of New Amsterdam.

Peter Stuyvesant was the first mayor of New Amsterdam beginning in 1664. He was greatly adored for a benevolent governing of the area with the interests of the Dutch settlers firmly in mind. The surrounding regions of greater New Netherland though were becoming convincingly settled by larger groups arriving under the British flag during the reign of King James. This fostered contention for the Dutch territory between the two European powers. The superior powers of England though with it’s naval strength and army were capable of presenting irresistible ultimatums for bids to acquire control of these other European populated territories.

In 1664, a demand was issued to the Dutch settlers by King Charles I that would provide them British protection over their settlement with an assurance of rights for continued existence and a promise not unduly interfere locally in exchange for being officially annexed by Britain. Seeing the offer as advantageous, near unanimous support was purported to be given by many of the Dutch despite outspoken opposition from mayor Stuyvesant. Groups of settlers, likely under some influence of British officers forced Stuyvesant to capitulate to the terms of the proposition which were eventually finalized personally by the mayor. The agreement consisted of a sovereign handover of land to England but along with stipulations that were rather favorable to the Dutch. As the land became new imperial property, the name was changed to New York in honor of the Duke of York who had original proposed this plan of acquisition.

The following years under new imperial rule experienced larger arrival of British citizenry as King Charles promoted more ambitions for sending voyages of people to expand the territorial promises of the new land. A loyalty among most of the newly embarked settlers for their original homeland didn’t dissipate upon arrival to America. The comfort of maintaining loyalty is understandable as these brave masses of people arrived upon voyages partly financed by England while risking a lifetime of prior investment by abandoning that which they formerly had possessed. Among the many challenges facing the settlers included acclimating to the still scantly inhabited land demanding the ardors of labor, cooperation with unfamiliar groups including early religious pioneers as well as the natives and any number of elemental threats like disease, attack or famine.

Despite these grave obstacles, over time, progress endured with many locations throughout the northeast settling their own townships with farmhouses, shared acreage, a church, shops and meeting houses. Many of the most adept developments typically were located along a major inland waterway attracted larger numbers of people. New York was one that experienced this significant influx as was the case for other major northeastern cities of lasting importance such as Boston, Philadelphia and Baltimore.

British colonial rule was assigned to a royal magistrate back in England, the Duke of York for example who would remotely assume some provencenial authority over an appointed area in North America. This method of rule lacked the degree of direct authority imposed over the land but at the same time limited the resources that needed to be extended by the King to keep watch over the land.

In the New York area, several forts had been built among those at Stanton Island, east of the Hudson and on the southern part of Manhattan. The latter had been placed under the command of an Englishman named John Manning. During the year 1667, relations in Europe had soured between the Dutch and England which instigated a brief military campaign that weakened Denmark’s economy and forced the closing of the esteemed Dutch West Indies Company. The situation wasn’t quick to heal and several years later, the hostility brought repercussions to Manhattan as a fleet of Danish ships sailed into Hudson Bay and anchored briefly without prior notice. The fort commander Manning, foresaw this incident though as a likely signal of a looming attack and for reasons unexplained, simply surrendered to the encroaching Dutch navy.

For a brief time, this incident reasserted control of lower New York into Dutch possession. But the British were quick to reclaim that which had been made their's during the treaty of 1646. An accord of 1674 was signed as a result that enabled the Duke of York to remove all controversy respecting his property. Fort Commander Manning was returned to England for trial where surprisingly he was given only a light reprimand. And a newly appointed governor named Sir Edmond Androis was given direct local authority over the York territory.

A controversial act in the following year occurred as the Duke suggested to Sir Edmond that a Dutch clergyman named Nicolas Renslaer was to be appointed as lead minister for the city of New York. This decision was an affront to the religious clerics already in power, particularly Priest Niewenhyt who presided over religious affairs for the whole region from Albany. In short time the newly appointed Renslaer in Manhattan was accused of impious rhetoric during his sermons and ordered by locals to be imprisoned. The governor, Sir Edmond, soon orchestrated Renslaer's release but in fear of civil repercussions of the governor’s decision for exoneration, Sir Edmond proclaimed to abstain from future matters of religious politicks.

Thus for the decades to follow, church matters were left solely to the discretion of the offices in Albany and no longer given as much responsibility to the local governor. In 1680, the appointment of a new governor took place as the Duke decided upon a transition that transferred Sir Edmond’s position to the city of Boston which was establishing itself significantly as a leading populace.

On September 30th 1682 Colnoel Thomas Dongan was appointed as the Govenor of New York. HIs strategy altered some methods of rule that had existed since the Brittish officially acquired the territory in 1667. For the past five years the order of the land were directly handed down to Govenernor Edmond by the Duke and King. Colnol Dongan however introduced an assembled, majority rule system of government where in loose democratic form, councils of local citizens were called including sheiffs, constables and townspeople to voice opinions on matters of the state. Dongan had the foresight to impose such a free minded local system that was consistant with the very nature for which the settlers had journeyed and establihsed their society upon in the new world.

In England, the Duke found favorable acceptance for such a political order as it instilled more livlihood and less resistance by settlers to the authority of the English crown. Governor Dongan became popular among the English and Dutch subjects in the Province of New York. He also conjured alliances with the regional native tribes which in totality of northeastern America included dozens of tribes that occupied much of the English territory and the far northern land of Canada which was under possession by the French.

An important group of tribes that became known as the Five Nations included the Seneccas, Cayugas, Onodagas, Oneydoes and the Mohawks who all were in proximatey to the border between the division of English and French territory. The land near Niagra along the comergence of the Great Lakes was considered the demarcation between the two European settlements. The Great Lakes area had become prominant for the fur trade between the natives and Europeans but also extended the inhabited area of French settlers from outside of Quebec and Montreal.

Relations among many of the tribes between both the English and French had encountered occaisional strife but oftentimes sought cooperation. Negotiations of land entitlement, trade and other routine agendas that might arise between the coexistance of these inheriantly different civilizations endured to some degree. By this time the European notion of natives as brute, uncooperative savages had moderated into a less rigid acceptance of their style for undomesticaed lifestyles. Treaties had become more prevalent. Exchancge of knowledge for traversing the local land, which had at first been completely unknown to the Eruropeans was made easier over time by native assistance such as the popular example of Pocahontas.

Exchange of innovation such as hunting techniques, tobacco and grain cultivation soon were items that became consumed by the settlers while the introduction of firepower would make an impression upon the natives. The important fur trade grew larger by the late seventeenth century.

Outside of the newly acquired English territory of New York were the other prexiesting colonial settlements such as New Haven(Connecticut), Massachsettes Bay, Philedephia, Boston and areas previously mentioned north of the Great Lakes which fell predomiantely under French control. The cooperation between the French settlements, particualary that of Quebec , Montreal and around Niagra were instrumental in forging relationships between these exploratory settlers and the natives. Less of an estblishment was pursued by the French who sought not so much as to colonize as did the Brittish and Dutch but rather claim the territory for the French monarch with hopes of acquiring imperial pwer and foreign treasures. The exception were the French Hegonets who established societies in the far Northeastern land of America. Reliance by the French on native cooperation became vital and alliances amogst some of the tribes traspired.

Under Colonel Dongan, the strongest ties between the people of New York and the natives arose. Nonetheless, a mutual diplomatic cooperation between the French and English that far surpassed their loyalties with natives had been in place since the inception of colonial efforts fifty years earlier. The French largely repected the territorial claims of the English and saw such land as rightful property to the Brittish throne for which the French were not inclined to wage an innocous battle in against it's European counterpart in a rather unfamiliar territory. Such would continue to be the case for several more decades until the relations between the major powers would flounder significantly with the onset of changes in the English monarch.

The Glorious Revolution was a call to action by dissatisfied citizens of Britain and the Dutch who had opposed aspects of the continued Tudor Monarch that was then under the throne of King William II. Much of the adversity against the crown had been about the policy of maintaining Catholicism as the official religion even in the decades that followed the dramatic unrest of the Protestant Reformation in 16... ? It was assumed by most of England that subsequent to the end of King William’s II rule, that the rightful heir would be the husband of the King’s only daughter, Mary II. This would presumptively place Prince William of Orange County from Denmark in power of the British throne which many in England favored. Un-expectantly though in their later years, King James II and his wife conceived a son, James Francis Edward Stuart. This caused alarm for many English and Dutch due to it's affect on the future ascension of the newborn son rather than William Prince of Orange and his wife Mary II.

The hope for many British subjects favorable to William of Orange was that his reign would lead to a break from the Catholic ties likely to further result in a fracture of the cozy relationship that had been largely sustained with France much to the disgust of the protestant British population. The rise of disgruntled sentiment about the shift for the future of England prompted supporters to convince William II to take assertive action to proclaim himself to the throne instead of foregoing the crown in respect of his infantile brother- in-law. Thus backed by Dutch naval powers, William sailed for England and for lack of resolve by King James II, the prince's ploy was successful. Within several months he and his wife were chosen by the Parliamentary body to be named as joint Monarchs. The religious effect was disastrous for members of the Catholic church as they were excluded for the next century from nearly all aspects of official affairs including political appointments, military services and the right to vote.

Upon word of the events that were erupting in England, a degree of support in America was cast behind William of Orange. Also some of the support from the citizens had waned against the governing decisions of Colnol Dungan such as the permission of French Jesuits to reside in the area and an imposition of minor taxes. This feeling though contradicted with the position held amongst the many members of council in Albany who stood behind their support of King James II. But with the sudden change of the English throne, a power vacum for future political authority in New York was created.

Of those who seized the shifting momentum of the Revolutionary sentiment in New York was Jacob Leifler, who acted against the authority of Albany. Leifler aroused a meaningful display of support in the name of William of Orange's cause but truthfully it appeared that his efforts were more self centered than for the better interests of the province.

The timing of events was advantageous for Leifler as Colonel Dungan was near conceding his rule to Lieutenant Governor Francis Nicholson. Leifler managed to assemble a militia of supporters who helped seize several of the garrisons in New York and days later managed to draw larger numbers to his cause after an announcement that a fleet of vessels were making way from England under orders of William the Orange.

Thus with colonel Dongan and Lieutenant Nicholson having abruptly lost their power as acting authorities over the province, they had no other choice but to capitulate to Leifler. But meanwhile some local magistrates of areas within New York and particularly the members of Albany vehemently opposed Leifler's cause and maintained a resileant political opposition.

Unbeknownst of the severity of this standoff affecting New York at the time, William of Orange had sent a letter to Lieutenant Nicholson for whom the newly named King sought to appoint with the authority of New York. The letter stated “ for the time being, take Care for Preserving the peace and administering the laws in their majesties province of New York in America.” A second letter sent the following day by King William, likely upon him having just been made aware of the tense state of the Leifler power grab, was worded more assertively, saying, “do everything appertaining to the office of Lieutenant Governor according to the laws and customs of New York until further orders."

With Lieutenant Nicholson as the letter's intended recipient, it was however intercepted by Leifler thus compelling him to implement his own discretion for applying these orders to himself. Leifler thus quickly began establishing a council of officials that represented regions known as Queens County, West Chester, the city of New York and many other surrounding areas that would succumb to Leifler’s authority. The exception of those that showed compliance were parts of East Long Island and a select group of reigning councilmen in Albany.

To the extent that Leifler managed to summont strong support to rule much of New York is exemplified by the fate of Sir Edmond Andros. Andros had been a presiding power figure in Albany and advocated the continued rule of King James during the Glorious Revolution, a position held by most of the capital's councilmen at the time. But as the balance shifted with William's inevitable coronation, Andros would be unseated from power, then briefly imprisonment and returned from New York to Britain. Shortly thereafter, the sentiment of the Albany magistrates conceded to the newly named King of England but until official orders were sent to do otherwise, the council refrained from surrendering control of the Albany garrison to newly appointed members of Leifler’s council.

In fear of an armed retaliation against him from the supplies of the garrison, Leifler summoned a small army to confront the fort's commander Colonel Schuler and the other soldiers stationed there who had maintained their loyalty to the formerly empowered Albany Convention members. Jacob Milbourne was assigned under the orders of Leifler to lead the assault against the noncompliant garrison battalion. Milbourne was unsuccessful in seizing the Albany fort at first. But upon a second attempt the following spring, his forces managed to overtake it in a bloody fight which left a lasting resentment for Leifler’s cause among many of the people in Albany.

Quite apparent had become the non legitimacy of Leifler's position as the acting governor of New York at the time. Acknowledgement was made that the letters dispatched from England shortly following the Revolution, had been intented to name Colonel Henry Slaughter in representing the territory. Leifler had failed to develop a strong popularity within New York and in the aftermath of the disruption which accompanied the newly enthroned English King, a well respected official needed to unify the largest of the American territories. The response from the Duke of York who still assumed appointed rule over New York didn’t take to the matters of Colonel’s Leiflers rule lightly and in unbridled support of Colonel Slaughter, the Duke committed Leifler to high treason, a crime executable by death. The decision, despite it’s harshness was used as a means for reshaping the order of rule in New York under the English crown at the time. Several New Members of council were assigned posts to New York with a more structured legislature to raise revenue and conduct civil procedures.

The only concession to arise from the rather harsh punishment given to Leifler was that his surviving family would be provided a generous colonial estate as too were the family members of John Milbourge who met the same fate.

Colonel Benjamin Fletcher arrived with a commission to be governor in August 1692. The changes in British power dovetailed with a breach in French diplomatic relations for several reasons including the rejection of Catholicism soon leading to an official declaration of war between the two powers ensued on the European Continent. For America, this would have a ripple effect of fueling animosity between the respective foreign settlements and the state of conflict would soon take egregious proportions.

Both the French Canadians and the English maintained their alliances with several native tribes up to the time, with the coalition of the Five Nations being an important group to have on each other's side. The loyalty though of the Indian alliances with the European Powers was regularly shifting and aggressions would often wage directly by certain tribes against either side of the European powers leaving the commanders of each nation seeking protective alliances as best they could. Most of the Five Tribal nations had been committed to the British who had developed a great defensive benefit against aggressive encroachment from enemy natives. In 1689 though amidst a rather unsettled state of native allegiance for the towns of New York in lieu of Leifler's controversial self appointment to governor, left much of the New York territory vulnerable to a French threat.

French religious zealots, the Jesuits had made efforts to a small degree of success to infiltrate their doctrine into some of the tribes. It was rare for the Jesuits to gain major influence among the natives but when it did occur it often resulted in a meaningful tribal alliance for the French Canadians. Such was the case with the Oneydoes. Members of this tribe along with the Towerakets, the Caghnuages and others were offered to sail upon a vessel to France where they stayed for several weeks that undoubtedly left an overwhelming impression upon the native chiefs with the sights of modern grandeur. This helped strengthen the alliance among several of these tribes to the French side. The practice of offering provisional supplies such as wool, food, some weaponary had been a part of winning support from various tribes for the British and French alike. Upon the voyage of chiefs to France, a supply of armaments was assured to those tribes upon return to America. This tactic was designed particularly to disrupt the alliance among some of the Five Nation tribes with Brittan which had been effective in providing a territorial buffer against any assault during Colonel Dungan's governorship. But with a sudden shift in native allegiance, the French foresaw an opportunity to strike the British side.

It was winter 1690 and plans were originally intended for an attack on the city of New York. This however was altered and instead carried out on Schenectady, New Jersey which ultimately had devastating consequences for the town's people who were brutally victimized unexpectedly in the middle of the night and the town set ablaze. At the same time, the Mohawk Indians who were occupying an area very near the town was left unmolested as a conciliatory gesture from the French to draw in the tribe's interests to a potential French-Indian alliance. A group of Anglo-american soldiers aided by several faithful Mohawks began a quick pursuit of the perpetrating French army and caught the rear squadron of whom were captured. The French expectation of the Five Nations disowning their English ties never came to full fruition and members of several tribes fought alongside the Anglo Americans and summonted a defeat upon the French forces. The inception of fierce conflicts often continued involving horrific tactics with often ambiguous terms of alliance amongst the native people that would persist in varying levels of severity until the final culmination of what was termed the Seven Years of the French and Indian War in 1738.

The remainder of the final decade of the 17th century in the New York territory certainly involved no shortage of concertive attempts at colonial advancement with sanctioned efforts for creating schools and ministeries. Efforts to sustain valued relations with many of the natives prevailed advantageously particularly due to the success that Army Colonel Fletcher managed to achieve in cooperating with members of the original Five Nation alliance. Concerns of French hostilities remained to the extent that the first of a national agenda was ordered for quotas of monetary sums and soldiers to be sent from the surrounding provinces of New England including Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, Maryland, Virginia Rhode Island and Connecticut to maintain the necessary defense along the frontier region close to French Canada.

It would be an embellishment to say that this maneuver was the last straw for any diplomacy between the Anglo-French relations in the Americas. However this event and the ongoing unrest of 1688's Glorious Revolution that was unfolding between the two imperial nations on European soil would proceed to sever past alliances and intensify each nation's territorial claim in America.

Lord Cornbury having been an indebted military serviceman prior to his appointment as Lieutenant Governor of New York in 1702 sought a tight fisted campaign to acquire provencional revenue for his conventional assembly during the years that he was in office. Additionally, he pursued steadfast ambition for enlarging the presence of the church throughout the city of New York among other towns. The predominate denominations making a strong impression were those of the Episcopalians and the Presbyterians. The areas of Queens had been Quaker territory. Jamaica consisted mostly of a plantation style establishments with several families originally of Dutch origin but had grown to attract other New England immigrants. Cornbury's tenure wasn’t held in the highest esteem by many particularly the Presbyterians who had comprised the largest number of Dutch population settling in areas around New York. It was perceived that he all too generously granted permission to Episcopalians who despite maintaining similarities with Catholicism were able to easily establish new churches which instigated a societal divide among the separate denominations.

His stature as a credible authority though fit to rule by managing to facilitate matters rather effectively between the governing of the Provence with that of the majesties in England provided a measure of success for the early part of his reign.

The Militia Bill which called for requisitions of military supplies to progress the fights with the French provided adequate material to arm a newly enlisted small force of fighters. Greater efforts for school houses were initiated and a larger influx of people arriving to the New World for the first time or those relocating from other areas began to further develop the New York area around the turn of the 18th century.

Allegations had mounted on many occasions though against Cornbury about improprieties concerning state money and an abhorrence that he showed towards many Presbyterians in favor of his personal Episcopalian beliefs. This caused an eventual call by members of his council to take action in discharging him as governor. The pleas from subjects and their representative council members were voiced so convincingly to the Queen of England that she honored their request to reappoint a new governor and ordered Cornbury’s retirement that he went on the enjoy in a Jamaican farmhouse which he had absconded from the county's Presbyterian priest.

Lord John Lovelace would be appointed as the replacement in January 1709. The need for revenue to support the inner workings of a growing government of council members, clerks, sheriffs and the military was requiring additional sums of financial support that came by way of British loans but also necessitated local revenue which no one viewed favorably. An untimely death though afflicted Governor Lovelace due to a sudden health ailment. Military success against the French can be said to have prevailed during much of the years that Colonel Lovelace was the acting Governor. Yet in 1720 a new face would be needed for whom William Burnet was chosen to fulfill the role.

For the colonialists in the middle of the 18th century, the imposition of certain acts to generate revenue from the British subjects in America was becoming a contested issue. The English government had spent considerable sums in protecting it's territorial possessions for the decades of heightened attention and increased involvement in assigning governing posts to the provencional offices in the colonies. The expense for England was significant, compelling parliament in Britain to become more assertive in demanding compensation for levels of protection and the basic administrative assistance being contributed upon the distant subjects.

As it was, the Americans were paying some of the operational expenses of their own local affairs such as the salaries of many officials including the governor, council members, sheriffs, ministers and other prominent persons who presided over the matters of civic duties particularly in the urban towns. With New York, Philadelphia, and Boston being the largest of the cities with more bureaucratic representation and the preponderance of diplomatic as well as trade relations between American and England, these town residents were the instigators of resentment against the crown rather than the rural farmers who were insultated from the affairs of inter-continental disputes.

It could hardly be said that the start of the most vehement of protests by aggrieved colonialists over higher taxes was soley a matter of submitting taxes to the English Parliament. But after the decades of local representation that had been established for the colonies with their town councils assigned to represent members of the community was how political matters had began being handled in America. These elected bodies were being given some form of elected authority while still being expected to act in accordance with the Governor whose orders were simultaneously sent from Brittain.

Dissent managed to crescendo to the point where the city's residents often clamored against any further demands from the British Parliament. The local body of America's legislative councils began to heed the cry from more of the radical patriots growing intolerant over what they perceived as unjust royal demands. The Stamp Act of 1748 was the first of major measures which had been enacted by the English Parliament to help alleviate the indebtedness which the Britain's government saw as a just sum to be imposed upon the colonialists. The act was to require items of correspondence, official documentations, registrations, clerk doctrines such as certificates, property rights or purchase agreements to be assessed a tax payable back to England. Opposition to this measure of collecting British revenue was nearly unanimous among any of those who had shown even the slightest bit of moderate advocacy to the cause of American liberty. But there still existed, particularly during these early years, a very loyalist sentiment among much of the American population who continued to identify themselves as equals subjects to the throne as those residing three thousand miles across the Atlantic.

The perception held by many of the American Tory loyalists was that the disturbance caused by the noncompliant rabble rousing tyrants was abominable and would never hold up to the immense power of England. But the steadfast resolve of those objecting to the royal British demands became capable of advancing beyond merely a small group of activists. Patriotic assemblies would grow and cease to subside for a vision to exist free of the imposition of any foreign power against them.

Small circles of such ideologists emerged in the major cities of Philadelphia, New York and Boston with the latter leading the strenght of the patriotic movement. Those famous figures of Samuel Adams, Thomas Otis, John Hancock, Joseph Warren and John Adams would frequently convene in taverns or residences to discuss the situation and suggest ways of countering the iniquities as they saw them against the American people. The largest demonstration to evoke major attention was at a gathering in Boston of a group of burly rope workers protesting against the increased presence of British soldiers in their city. This mass of men called out and provoked an on duty Brittish sentinel standing in front of a station house with his rifle. Pleas were made for the British soldiers to evacuate the city who had recently been called in with larger numbers to maintain order in an increasinly tense enviornment. In a disruptive manner, the demonstrators continued to voice insults at the officer while preventing him from entering the station quarters. The officer then fired shots as did several of his comrades who had emerged from the office. The incident resulted in the death of four of the protesters including Crispus Attics who had been an instigator in the protest.

While Boston emerged as a hot bed of activity against the British efforts to impose taxation, New York remained rather reticent in much of the fervor. The handful of individuals having triumphed to admirable status in the eyes of several prominent families around Boston and a large portion of the town's population were as mentioned, Sam Adams, Robert Paine, Joseph Warren among others. Swiftly a larger formation of anti-Tory Bostonians became adherent to the rhetoric of nonacquisence to the British demands for implementation of various taxes. The Townsend Act of ... was designed to raise revenue for the crown but to symbolize to the colonies that even in the midst of protests, England had every right to levy taxes for whatever the King deemed appropriate. Because of the greater unrest that this created, the Act was repealed shortly after enactment. The aforementioned Stamp Act also failed to be reckognized by the colonies and soon was nullified by Brittish Parliment.

Due to the convincing writing of the affiliated committees of these three influential men, aided by other individuals proved their profligacy of the written word in documenting and disseminating their cause. The fundamentals of their thought was that for more than a hundred years, the settlers of the new world had been granted a rather unhindered opportunity to develop the cumbersome terrain of rocky soil, forested lands with inhabitants and conditions so unknown to those who had departed their European homeland that the notion of self sufficiency had been fiercely adopted by many. Now the British who sought various attempts to impose taxation was viewed contemptously by those with voices influential enough to reach the general masses concerning the plight of the patriotic cause.

The governor of each colony continued as an acting authority over legislative actions for each territory while obliged to cooperate to the best of his ability with the British majesty. Maintaining such a balance of loyalty became a serious challenge at the time that the demands of the people became more anti-Brittish. By 1770, the governor of Boston, Gov Bernard had been responsible for assigning a post of two British army units to the city mainly as a way to police order as conditions became mildly adveserial. If colonialists were to be subjected to the taxes akin to the residents of England, many contended that Parliamentary representation for American would be the only tolerable answer. This would therefore escalate the status of American colonialists to something similar of British citizenry, a notion which the crown shunned vehmently as no imperial colony was granted such a position.

Governor Bernard's action of stationing the troops in Boston instigated the feeling of an affront to the sovereignty of the town's people which soon forced Bernard's resignation. This left his successor, Governor Hutchinson, to manage the escalating affairs in this most reactionary location against British influence in America. A belief additionally held by many was that the colonies were the biggest importer and thus largest revenue generator for Britain. Thus the attempt to impose arbitrary taxation even despite the cost of winning protection against the French was seen as non-negotiable. Any tax ratification was also likely to impose undue burden upon many of the land owners. The cause of groups like the Son's of Liberty would only grow more aggressive and gain larger sympathy.

On receiving news of the Boston Massacre of 1770, the reaction from many in New York was disbelief. New York with it's rather strong loyalist ties represented a society comprised largely of aristocratic citizens unwilling to disregard their royal subservience to British authority so long as their privileged lifestyle weren't unduly affected. The cries from the early stages of the radical publications circulating Boston and Philadelphia had not nearly won as much support from the people in the city of New York and surrounding towns of Brooklyn, Jamaica, Long Island or Trenton and New Brunswick. In fact, New York was the local base for the British naval fleet with a majority of the five thousand troops who occupied America at the time being stationed in south Manhattan.

General Thomas Gage had been assigned chief lieutenant of the entire royal army by Lord Hutchinson(no relation to Gov Hutchinson of Boston), who was the acting general in charge of appointing colonial military affairs from England. General Gage's assignment was something that he didn't take lightly. It involved a tremendous responsibility of overseeing the entirety of Brittish forces stationed along the inland shorelines from the southern colonies up the eastern seaboard with orders to not encroach beyond a certain westward area into the native territory. Gage had made valor in his command during the French and Indian War, fifteen years before where during a significant duration of the conflict, he occupied Canada in order to maintain a defense once Britain had assumed a convincing conquest.

Life for Gage embodied much of the spirit of high society in New York at the time. He regularly partook in grandeur gatherings with his American wife, which would be hosted by the affluent families who resisted from holding much resentment against the crown. Though the occurrence of angry mobs protesting what attempts were made by the crown to wield their excessive presence in America occasionally erupted in New York as in other cities. Displays of New York crowds gathering in protest first in response to the Stamp Act of 1765 then the Townsend Acts of 1767 prior to the Boston Massacre wasn't seen as unusual but was rather more contained than other places. Verbal attacks voiced by attendees of town hall meetings against the governor as had was occurring in Boston were nothing as incendiary in New York. More of a clandestine, behind closed door effort for those who staunchly disagreed with British colonial power was the style conducted in New York rather than indiscreet public outcry.

The streets of lower Manhattan had become crowded with shops run by merchants carrying many fine quality British imports such as clothing, furnishings and other goods of the day. A reaction of galvanized sentiment after the Boston Massacre though had led to a cooperation of citizens and custom's officials to acquiesce to the insistence that a moratorium be placed on all British imports. This policy to a surprisingly successful effect remained in place for many months following the severity of rebellous incidents. The result in the short term was for merchants to temporarily rely upon domestically manufactured goods.

Those skillful enough in the manufacturing processes who would for a time provide an early replacement to English imports were products assembled by local Dutch and German settlers. These groups carried their knowledge of craft from back home and proved to a large degree their industrious ability to manufacture such finished goods. But the inefficiencies of quality and productive capacity was greatly inferior then and resulted in this importation ban to end during late 1771.

In June 1772, General Gage in an emotional longing to make a return visit back to England set sail upon the Earl of Dunmere to see his young children who had been sent to attend what was then considered as the proper primary education. During his reprieve he would attend several meetings with dignitaries, Lord Hillsborough, the Duke and King George to discuss the reactionary state of affairs occurring in the colonies specifically in Boston. Convincing meetings between these delegates assured the king of the need to engage a debilitating military campaign against the rebellious Boston provocateurs for their seditious acts.

In April 1774, Gage was ordered back to America to resume command but rather than return to New York, he was sent to Boston to monitor and quell any further disruptions. The year would prolong without meaningful action of military force but large numbers of troops were ordered to station throughout Boston. Gage assumed his reassignment, working essentially as a watchful commander and reciprocating the situation with members of the English government via letters. In the meantime, more legitimacy and support was being achieved by the patriotic groups like the Sons of Liberty that would soon transpire into an official representational body of colonial cooperation called the Continental Congress.

The sentiment of collaborative efforts among the several colonies from Georgia to New Hampshire ensued as coalitions led discussions regarding the need for protecting America's liberty if a confrontation were to occur from the heavy force of stationed British troops. New ships were arriving and augmenting the lines of vessels already docked in the harbor of lower Manhattan. The emotion among many in the city was apprehension for much of the winter months of 1775 due to the tension in the air of added forces within the town. The coexistence of British forces with the city's forty thousand residents who consisted of shopkeepers, artisans, local government officials, dock hands, farmers, members of the old world moneyed class and others had become a fact of life for those of New York but grew more disconcerning.

As General Gage had been reassigned to Boston, much of the authority in New York for command of the forces was placed in the hand of Major Pitcairn. These two top ranking lieutenants would often advise one another on plans and threats that the other might observe. It was soon believed that groups of revolutionaries were hoarding powder supplies, stock piling weapons and seemingly advancing efforts to assemble a small militia in various areas of the colonies. In response, advancements of British forces with a command of about 600 men were sent under Pitcairn from New York to Boston around April 15, 1775. A rebel supply armament was known to have been compiled about six miles outside of Boston on the estate of Colonel Barret. Gage's acknowledgement of this information would soon prompt a march of Pitcairn's men along the road out of Boston through the small town of Lexington to the suspected cache of supplies.

Pitcairn's march commenced on the evening of April 19, 1775. Moving through the darkness with several dozens of men and horses, Pitcairn and others often inquired with their informed scouts about how much farther they had to go before arriving to the first town of Lexington. In the darkness of the moonlit night, suddenly a group of local, armed men with muscats obstructed the line of marching British soldiers. An impasse of several minutes prevailed with little in the way of conversation but rather just hard stares complimenting the silence. Then Pitcairn ordered the resumption of the forward march without further provocation against this group of nervous rebel farmers. Upon the British passing through the weak defense of men, a shot rang out from a distance into the resplendently clad, red uniformed force. Abruptly, an exchange of gun fire ensued between the two sides while Pitcairn struggled to reorganize his men. Most of the American rebels quickly disappeared back into the woods. The incident left several dead and injured from both sides. The reality of what might be awaiting the British fores upon marching into Concord was now slightly more evident as Pitcairn's men steadily advanced their assignment to locate the garrison of rebel supplies.

The efforts of preventing a war up to that point had been carefully employed by the British officers. It wasn't seen to be in their interests to erupt unecessary contention against the colonists than had already taken place in the incidents of the previous several years. The movement to Concord was thus one of precaution. Upon making entry way into the town though the British force were astonished to witness a presence what amounted to four hundred seemingly astute men capable of sustaining much more of an affront than had been experienced just hours before in the skirmish of Lexington. British forces stood on the exterior side of the North Bridge into town. A silent assessment of the situation daunted the unexpecting Brittish troops as the outnumbering enemies displayed a formidable strength. Quickly the rebel fire began. The extent of gunshot and the falling of red uniforms was significant and quickly resulted in an unorderly retreat of the British force much to the frustration of Pitcairn.

The general took several minutes to reassert control over many of his men who were ordered back into their formation. But the assault by the colonial militia had been effective and caused a sudden return of the army back towards Boston. Along the way, the British forces would be confronted by more stray fire, prompting an unsettled march back that instigated a ruthless British response of shooting at homes and setting fire to several buildings. The priority for the colonial militia soon shifted to Boston as the notion that should more armed confrontation take place it was certain that the city would most likely be the location given the enormous position of British forces there. For nearly two months, no immediate conflict developed, however the massive occupation continued and the Continental Congress began strategizing their efforts more on a focus to prepare for a potential outbreak of a war.

Around May 10, another meeting of the Continental Congress took place in Philadelphia where strong consideration of the situation was given. It was attended by John Adams, Samuel Adams, John Hancock, Patrick Henry, Richard Henry Lee and the commander of the Virginia militia, George Washington. The galvanizing sentiment of the colonial cause from over the last several years but particularly within recent months had increased the number of volunteer forces gathering throughout many colonies along the east coast. The concentration of forces in Boston and more arriving troops via boat from New York heightened the desire to construct a rebel defensive position. Such an effort for a fortified colonial position was made on the north side of Boston's Harbor on a peninsula known as Charlestown also where Breed's or aka Bunker Hill which mostly comprised of pasture was located. This would be the site of an eventual, decisive plan by General Gage to launch his first major assault of war on June 17.

Preparation of the rebel position had been ongoing for months where farm animals had been removed and fortification erected in case the British forces decided to attack this homespun base of counter forces. Nearly a thousand militia men were volunteering to occupy Charlestown and doing what could be deemed constructive in the formation of an infantile army that hardly stood any chance of standing up to the splendid might of it's far superior occupying army. But the resolve of these forces was impressively fierce under a strong brief leadership by Warren who had been assigned as president of the Provisional Authority and responsible for helping organize the army.

An assault would in fact soon come on June 17. Boats of British troops sailed the distance across the Harbor and a forceful encroachment of red and white uniformed men would soon make landfall on a terrain which they were in an inferior position to attack. The colonial militia had fortified their position well along the high ground with defensive walls providing considerable protection. A days worth of full on challenge like nothing experienced in America since the French and Indian War ensued. The Battle of Bunker Hill had disastrous effect on the small town of Charlestown which was leveled by a full day of combat consisting of musket fire, open blazes and cannon. By the end of it, a valor of confidence had been won by the Americans as their efforts resulted in the deaths of approximately one thousand British troops including Major Pitcairn.

Momentum for the cause was growing by these committees of men who had first helped instigate the rhetoric and determination to separate the colonies from it's imperial overseer. On July 2, a second Continental Congress was called in Philadelphia attended by all of the usual men of notiriety. In this instance, the decision was made to officially proclaim the formation of the continental army for which George Washington, a veteran of the French Indian War and protector of his Virginia homeland against native threats would be the commander. Departing Philadelphia and traveling toward New York was something of a parade of new hope in an ambitious cause that would surely entail tremendous might and provincial blessing if America was to relieve itself of British interference once and for all. This delegation traveling from Philadelphia reached New York ten days later to a rather livened show of support from the people of the city who had for so long shown reticence for the patriot cause. New York's governor, William Tryon, was on a return from London at the time and surely would have expressed disapproval of rebel sympathy as the salutes by residents commenced to the congressional representatives as they moved through the city.

The envoy would proceed on their way to Boston to the new official army's headquarters. The situation remained closely monitored by both sides for several more months with little aggression. It would be the case for the duration of the war where lapses of combat would prevail for much of the winter months. And as the summer of 1775 passed without much apparent engagement between the sides, development nonetheless of tactical positions and recruitment occurred for the American side for nearly a year. At the same time, legislative efforts for Independence were in full force and the culmination of what had transpired up to then would be marked in writing on July 4, 1776 in Philadelphia with signing of the declaration. Three days later in New York a major reprise of armed conflict would envelop the surrounding farm land areas of Brooklyn followed by a weeks long standoff that would resume on the other shores of New York City.

As General Gage had been reassigned to Boston, much of the authority in New York for command of the forces was placed in the hand of Major Pitcairn. These two top ranking lieutenants would often advise one another on plans and threats that the other might observe. It was soon believed that groups of revolutionaries were hoarding powder supplies, stock piling weapons and seemingly advancing efforts to assemble a small militia in various areas of the colonies. In response, advancements of British forces with a command of about 600 men were sent under Pitcairn from New York to Boston around April 15, 1775. A rebel supply armament was known to have been compiled about six miles outside of Boston on the estate of Colonel Barret. Gage's acknowledgement of this information would soon prompt a march of Pitcairn's men along the road out of Boston through the small town of Lexington to the suspected cache of supplies.

Pitcairn's march commenced on the evening of April 19, 1775. Moving through the darkness with several dozens of men and horses, Pitcairn and others often inquired with their informed scouts about how much farther they had to go before arriving to the first town of Lexington. In the darkness of the moonlit night, suddenly a group of local, armed men with muskets obstructed the line of marching British soldiers. An impasse of several minutes prevailed with little in the way of conversation but rather just hard stares complimenting the silence. Then Pitcairn ordered the resumption of the forward march without further provocation against this group of nervous rebel farmers. Upon the British passing through the weak defense of men, a shot rang out from a distance into the resplendently clad, red uniformed force. Abruptly, an exchange of gun fire ensued between the two sides while Pitcairn struggled to reorganize his men. Most of the American rebels quickly disappeared back into the woods. The incident left several dead and injured from both sides. The reality of what might be awaiting the British forces upon marching into Concord was now slightly more evident as Pitcairn's men steadily advanced their assignment to locate the garrison of rebel supplies.

The efforts of preventing a war up to that point had been carefully employed by the British officers. It wasn't seen to be in their interests to erupt unnecessary contention against the colonists than had already taken place in the incidents of the previous several years. The movement to Concord was thus one of precaution. Upon making entry way into the town though the British force were astonished to witness a presence what amounted to four hundred seemingly astute men capable of sustaining much more of an affront than had been experienced just hours before in the skirmish of Lexington. British forces stood on the exterior side of the North Bridge into town. A silent assessment of the situation daunted the unexpecting British troops as the outnumbering enemies displayed a formidable strength. Quickly the rebel fire began. The extent of gunshot and the falling of red uniforms was significant and quickly resulted in an un-orderly retreat of the British force much to the frustration of Pitcairn.

The general took several minutes to reassert control over many of his men who were ordered back into their formation. But the assault by the colonial militia had been effective and caused a sudden return of the army back towards Boston. Along the way, the British forces would be confronted by more stray fire, prompting an unsettled march back that instigated a ruthless British response of shooting at homes and setting fire to several buildings. The priority for the colonial militia soon shifted to Boston as the notion that should more armed confrontation take place it was certain that the city would most likely be the location given the enormous position of British forces there. For nearly two months, no immediate conflict developed, however the massive occupation continued and the Continental Congress began strategizing their efforts more on a focus to prepare for a potential outbreak of a war.

Around May 10, another meeting of the Continental Congress took place in Philadelphia where strong consideration of the situation was given. It was attended by John Adams, Samuel Adams, John Hancock, Patrick Henry, Richard Henry Lee and the commander of the Virginia militia, George Washington. The galvanizing sentiment of the colonial cause from over the last several years but particularly within recent months had increased the number of volunteer forces gathering throughout many colonies along the east coast. The concentration of forces in Boston and more arriving troops via boat from New York heightened the desire to construct a rebel defensive position. Such an effort for a fortified colonial position was made on the north side of Boston's Harbor on a peninsula known as Charlestown also where Breed's or aka Bunker Hill which mostly comprised of pasture was located. This would be the site of an eventual, decisive plan by General Gage to launch his first major assault of war on June 17.

Preparation of the rebel position had been ongoing for months where farm animals had been removed and fortification erected in case the British forces decided to attack this homespun base of counter forces. Nearly a thousand militia men were volunteering to occupy Charlestown and doing what could be deemed constructive in the formation of an infantile army that hardly stood any chance of standing up to the splendid might of it's far superior occupying army. But the resolve of these forces was impressively fierce under a strong brief leadership by Warren who had been assigned as president of the Provisional Authority and responsible for helping organize the army.

An assault would in fact soon come on June 17. Boats of British troops sailed the distance across the Harbor and a forceful encroachment of red and white uniformed men would soon make landfall on a terrain which they were in an inferior position to attack. The colonial militia had fortified their position well along the high ground with defensive walls providing considerable protection. A days worth of full on challenge like nothing experienced in America since the French and Indian War ensued. The Battle of Bunker Hill had disastrous effect on the small town of Charlestown which was leveled by a full day of combat consisting of musket fire, open blazes and cannon. By the end of it, a valor of confidence had been won by the Americans as their efforts resulted in the deaths of approximately one thousand British troops including Major Pitcairn.

Momentum for the cause was growing by these committees of men who had first helped instigate the rhetoric and determination to separate the colonies from it's imperial overseer. On July 2, a second Continental Congress was called in Philadelphia attended by all of the usual men of notoriety. In this instance, the decision was made to officially proclaim the formation of the continental army for which George Washington, a veteran of the French Indian War and protector of his Virginia homeland against native threats would be the commander. Departing Philadelphia and traveling toward New York was something of a parade of new hope in an ambitious cause that would surely entail tremendous might and provincial blessing if America was to relieve itself of British interference once and for all. This delegation traveling from Philadelphia reached New York ten days later to a rather livened show of support from the people of the city who had for so long shown reticence for the patriot cause. New York's governor, William Tryon, was on a return from London at the time and surely would have expressed disapproval of rebel sympathy as the salutes by residents commenced to the congressional representatives as they moved through the city.

The envoy would proceed on their way to Boston to the new official army's headquarters. The situation remained closely monitored by both sides for several more months with little aggression. It would be the case for the duration of the war where lapses of combat would prevail for much of the winter months. And as the summer of 1775 passed without much apparent engagement between the sides, development nonetheless of tactical positions and recruitment occurred for the American side for nearly a year. At the same time, legislative efforts for Independence were in full force and the culmination of what had transpired up to then would be marked in writing on July 4, 1776 in Philadelphia with signing of the declaration. Three days later in New York a major reprise of armed conflict would envelop the surrounding farm land areas of Brooklyn followed by a weeks long standoff that would resume on the other shores of New York City.

Regiments from areas across the northeast, moved by their sense of patriotism or simply with little else to work for, committed themselves to the colonial cause. Their force, mostly small farmers, drew from states like Delaware, Connecticut, Pennsylvania and Maryland. The handful of generals selected to lead them were men of a moneyed class who’d shown capacity to effect the art of war in earlier conflicts. The arrival of roughly twenty thousand British soldiers into New York was the most ever deployed in any of the nation’s previous conflicts.

General Washington, rather uncertain of the terrain, had split his roughly 5000 strong force in half upon the island of Manhattan and the other across the East River in southern Brooklyn around the area now known as Red Hook. Upon the eastern unit, two trusted generals, Putnam and Sterling were keeping watchful eye for more that a week at the British naval ships cruising through the area’s water ways. In the meantime their men had been loosely fortifying the ground with campsites, fallen trees as meager defenses and what ever else might add a sense of security for their base. The lack of local farmers eager to enlist with the rebels was due in part to an un-realization of the momentum that the cause had taken across other Colonial areas in recent years.

Eager to launch a strike, General Howe who was in total command of the enormous British force, had been sending orders for a hasty preparation in a soon to be had military encounter. Howe selected his most trusted general Cornwallis to move a group of British and mercenary soldiers to the east across the banks of Brooklyn. There they settled upon a minor village called Flatbush as their temporary base. The royal army received welcomes from the homes who saw the British as their protectors and the generals were given a more hospitable regard as guests in the home of a Tory loyalist.

Through observances to the south in Brooklyn Heights, scouts of the royal army had been providing updates upon positions and strength of the rebel‘s camp. On the eve of Aug. 27, Cornwallis acted upon the intel and instructions about the accessibility for best reaching their enemy. During that night, the British regiment marched southwest along the Old Jamaica Road. Little in the way of confrontation occurred in the moonlit hours. The silence afforded an enactment of Cornwallis’ plan to split two flanks in a surrounding pattern for catching the militia from both sides by morning.

At daybreak, the British had far surpassed the enemy lines and the opposing sides were in close vicinity of one another. Shots rang out and a heavily overmatched rebel force began experiencing an early defeat. The flank maneuver had been effective while for most of the fight, the rebels were struck down by bayonet, musket fire or taken prisoner. The Maryland regiment under Col Smallwood provided a valiant last stand however as those in their company and others nearby maintained an astute defensive position just well enough to effect a rebel retreat. This salvaging escape called them back into the wooded area closer to the shore line of Brooklyn.

Upon witnessing the battle upon horseback from a distant hillside, Washington conceded to himself and his advisors the defeat as losses were badly one sided for the Americans. General Howe and Cornwallis rather were left feeling gallant upon the fate of their first engagement of war since the upsets at Breed’s Hill and a few other earlier contests elsewhere. As the British generals comfortably recovered amongst their victorious men for an evening, Washington had a much more immediate plan in mind to prevent another damaging encounter against a momentous enemy.

The rebel battalions were soon to make an impressive escape from their position in Brooklyn across the gentle current of the East River and below the tip of Manhattan. Instructions were quickly given for Colonel McGaw to load the small boats as best they could with all the men and provisions for an inconspicuous passage through the night towards the western banks of the Hudson River. General Howe, being deceived by the site of burning fires at the encampments left behind, witnessed only as the colonialists had for hours been making passage towards a safe haven around the lantern lit city of New York and onto the New Jersey side. The morning arrival occurred on November 17 and for several weeks the rebel militia would settle themselves unprovoked by a counter attack into two locations at separate ends of the bank.

The strongly occupied position of British troops in Manhattan, was being observed by the rebel leaders from across the Hudson. The new positions of the rebel army had been quickly established by the fleeing soldiers from Brooklyn and the army's other half under the leadership of Nathaniel Greene who after two days, marched his men north across the Kings Bridge onto the Jersey side. The separate posts of rebel soldiers were located at Fort Lee where Nathaniel Greene's fresh battalion had taken over a large abandoned farmhouse. The other was farther to the south where Washington and McGraw's previously engaged forces were now recovering.

Fort Lee consisting of a barn and some supplies also offered a tactical high ground that would require a difficult climb up hillsides and rocky ledges if the British soldiers were to mount an attack. After several more days, George Washington decided to move a battalion of his troops again about a two days march farther to the southwest near Parsippany, NJ at Fort Hackensack. Via horseback though, Washington was about a half day's ride to Greene's still in tact position at Fort Lee. Washington made visits to observe first hand among Greene's army any developments of the enemy. As the commander of the Continental Army consulted with his most trusted generals, looking through his spyglass towards Manhattan, the threat only seemed to grow more worrisome.

The confidence in General Howe and Cornwallis was gathering an insuppressible urge to make another steadfast approach, this time across the opposite harbor of New York. What these men had originally reasoned would be a very brief overall campaign of royal forces against an inept, disloyal band of rebels had nearly proven to be true. It was just that the decision of Washington to make his sudden retreat coupled with a rather dismissive attitude by the British, that the rebel forces managed to circumvent an all out capture. The British commanders now weren't skimping in their ambition to end this campaign once and for all. Aware of the position that the fresh rebels along the high ground banks of Fort Lee had occupied, only seemed to enhance the ambition of Howe. Supplied with the large force of Hessian mercenary soldiers, whom had been commissioned from Germany by the British for centuries could provide the main line of attack across the Hudson. These fighters were most often unyielding in their might and their unrefined methods often were utterly ruthless. The Hessians had so far been vital in the Brooklyn battle several weeks earlier.

Growing impatient after several weeks of standstill, Howe called for three main vessels bearing cannon fire power to cruise the short distance from the British naval port, up towards the area of Fort Lee. Additional smaller ships were also in motion for transporting the soldiers armed with rifles, food and other provisions for enacting a decisive landfall. Surely this indicated to Greene the onset of battle. A confidence prevailed though for Greene and Washington as it was understood that the enemy would need to overcome the seemingly secure position of elevated entrenchments of Fort Lee's 1500 strong unit.

To much the dismay of the rebel force though it was a sudden and valiant performance of strength where the British managed to fortify themselves and their supplies upon land. As the British moved quickly, the power of Hessian forces harnessed cannons on shore with the help of wooden planks and soldiers prepared in formations for an uphill attack against the much smaller number of American fighters. Once it began, the November 16 attack was brief. Initial canon fire from the broadside of the armored ships signaled the onset of battle which offered some cover for their soldiers to gather and move supplies on land before besieging. McGaw's men wouldn’t manage much of the defense that Washington had previously been expected by Washington. Him and Greene observed from a far distance as the milieu ensued. In a disorganized display of fighting, the seemingly well positioned force of MaGaw’s men fell quickly to a spry enemy force.

Despite the losses at Fort Lee, the remainder of Greene’s men who hadn’t been garrisoned with McGaw’s command, as well as the nearby force under Washington's direction would need to act quickly. The options were to immediately gather for an unlikely successful counter-offensive or make another tactical retreat like before. The unanimous decision would be to forgo the risk of a fight and make haste to move further westward.

War ensued throughout other parts of the nation for the next two years. Isolated fronts of battle spread across the entire stretch of the seaboard from the northeast down passed Charleston, SC where ultimately a strong British force would impart a mighty defeat. Forces in the northeast were spread among various posts for both sides with location in Hartford, CT, Philadelphia and Massachusetts all being venues of conflict. Still the preponderance of forces for both sides remained stationed around New York. The demonstrative British base still occupied lower Manhattan with a newly appointed commander in Henry Clinton who along with Cornwallis replaced William Howe after he was decommissioned for lack of subordination in April of 1778.

George Washington's headquarters had established part of it's post not too far north of the city at West Point. The location provided an adequate defense from any likely hood of a British attack from the south of Manhattan. At West Point, Washington could keep a watchful eye over the conditions of Clinton and Cornwallis heavily fortified presence. Rebel soldiers stationed in various locations along the western banks of the Hudson, also maintaining positions near Morristown, New Jersey and other places along the way to Philadelphia.

The efforts of diplomatic delegates had become a hopeful source of optimism for the cause of the American Continental Army. If any chance existed for winning this war, foreign support was an absolute must. The likes of Benjamin Franklin, John Jay, John Adams, Thomas Jefferson among many others advanced proposals to secure various support from several foreign powers. Months of correspondence, transatlantic travel and royal formalities were all part of the timely process in achieving external support. The fruit of these efforts that would entirely alter the fate of war effort for the American cause was France's decision to get involved. In early 1778 they sent several large. indiscreetly marked boats of supplies into American ports. It was just several months later that France made an official proclamation of it's alliance with America's effort to thwart British control. By May of the same year, King Louis further committed and plans followed for his nation's soldiers to be sent in warships to America. This didn't result in much immediacy of action at first except to provide stronger morale from additional supplies and a far greater legitimacy to the American fight.

Into the summer of 1779 few skirmishes continued to ensue between the Americans near the British occupied area of southern Manhattan. Opposite that side of the Hudson River on the banks of Jersey, one valiant triumph that provoke the spirits of the Americans was a raid led by a Virginia military leader named Harry Lee. At a British outpost with about five hundred men amidst swampy land known as Paulus Hook, Lee furtively moved a cavalry of three hundred men on horseback who were able to capture nearly two hundred soldiers at a mere cost of five rebels.

In June of 1780, word reached Washington via a letter delivered by the French General Lafayette that the force of his nation's ships had finally made entrance into the port of Newport Rhode Island consisting of ten naval vessels and six thousand men. Henry Clinton's reaction over the French arrival was to dispatch a portion of his forces from New York harbor and confront the newly arrived threat head on. For George Washington, seeing the sudden movement of supplies in preparation for the British to pursue an attack upon the French navy was something which he had hoped to prevent. A quick assault by Britain upon the French could have dire consequences. Washington cunningly managed to disseminate a fictitiously drawn up set of plans that included maps, diagrams and strategies eluding to a coordinated rebel attack upon New York. These documents as intended, made their way passed enemy lines into the hands of General Clinton and soon prompted the British to stay put rather than rushing to pursue a defeat of the French naval fleet.

The French vessels remained in Rhode Island port for over a year offering protection from any further advancement north of British ships from the Hudson and East Rivers. General Lafayette was in command of the French forces in America and soon became a close confidant to General Washington. It had become clear to Washington that a forceful utilization of the French strength for a major offensive strike would eventually be necessary in order to bring victory in this war. The most likely albeit risky strategy would require a coordinated attack against the British in New York and require persuading the French that such a plan was plausible.

That however never transpired and a northern standoff persisted for the next year as the French Army simply maintained a rather conciliatory defensive position. Begrudgingly, Washington, was unable to convince the French to coordinate a naval assault and thus in September of 1780 American efforts were repositioned much farther south into North and South Carolina. This would be the area of the most significant amount of battle fought during the winter months since the revolution began.

Around September to the early summer of the next year, this southern theater of war ensued with mostly victorious results for the continental army. By July of 1781, the force of British troops in New York had grown even more numerous despite the mobilization of significant numbers towards the south to challenge Washington's mobilization. The northern British command was as daunting as ever and the risks of engaging in a fateful campaign that could reverse the success just recently won in the Carolina's was something that Washington would need to carefully consider. Still only with unflinching support of French naval power could such an attack be possible and the feeling of apprehension among the foreign ally continued to preclude their commitment.

Those soldiers of the Continental Army who had remained behind near West Point rather than joining the Carolina effort soon began showing signs of a plan to form an attack further down on the west bank of the Hudson River. Troops were ordered to establish camps, practice formations, and do everything normally expected for an army that showed an intention to provoke a fight around New York. It was then assumed by British General Clinton and his commanders that such a strike would befall upon Stanton Island due to it's less protected defensive position.

The motioning of any pending rebel attack continued along the west side of the Hudson for several weeks. But instead, Washington and Lafayette had another plan in mind for marching these prepared troops away from that area towards the Chesapeake Bay. There an effective presence could be formed for Washington's army and then joined by several French naval vessels which were to sail south from their post at Newport. Movement of the large number of troops away from New York would likely compel the British to follow if they expected to show their decisiveness in being able to quell this revolution once and for all. The march of troops through Philadelphia and towards the Chesapeake would take nearly a month before they would convene with the naval support at the seaside towns of Yorktown and Dorchester Heights.

The month of October 1781 would prove to be the defining period of victory for the American military that had for the past five years proven to withstand a more dominant foe. Through the tiresome, slow campaign of strong minded strategy on the part of Washington's leadership made possible just enough American resilience to successfully confront the British occupation.

The anticipated conflict to arise in New York never transpired late in the war but British forces would continue to occupy a presence there for several more years after General Clinton and other British commanders had been called back to England. But the challenge that laid ahead for the elated populace of American colonists would be no less of a struggle in their need to prove themselves capable of administering their own independence through the formation of government and international acceptance.